Trump Has Too Little Skin To Protect The United States
Aides to the president are reluctant to even talk about the dangers of white apartheid violence in front of him.
Stop me if you hear this: There is a serious security threat to the United States. It is widely known by many top officials in the Trump administration. But the government remains neutral, crippled for fear of offending the president.
This is a story of Russian election interference, but also a story of white apartheid violence. Faced with a confirmed and dangerous threat, President Donald Trump has been slow to address the threat of excessive domestic violence in the U.S., reports The New York Times, because aides are afraid to bring it. The problem of domestic violence has new significance now, following the massacre in El Paso, Texas, but already the president's attention has shifted to other topics.
The problem, at heart, is political correctness. While that epithet is often held to the left by conservatives, it is in line with Trump's behavior. Negotiations on domestic terrorism and white violence have become politically motivated within the presidency. The problem is not the inaccuracies of the truth - that bringing the matter up brings Trump's sympathy so seriously that speaking the truth is illegal.
"[DHS] officials have realized they can't talk about issues like domestic terrorism and high-level white supremacy with Mr. Trump because he didn't care about those concerns," the Times reported. The helpers are ready to panic. Trump has shown in the past that he has a little patience with assistants who tell him difficult truths he doesn't want to hear.
After the August 3 shooting in El Paso, the president briefly acknowledged the motive of the alleged shooter. "A shooter in El Paso has sent an online manifesto used by racist hatred," Trump said at the White House. “With one voice, our nation must reject racism, bigotry and white supremacy. These evil teachings must be conquered. ”
Just a few days later, the president angrily stepped on his trip to El Paso, spreading rumors of the death of Jeffrey Epstein, and fighting comedian Bill Maher. He also pointed out that it is possible to expand the background check of gun ownership, but declined to comment on the size of the whites.
Despite a long history of racist rhetoric and actions, Trump is angry at any suggestion that he may be a racist. He seems to believe that accepting the big problem of white apartheid violence during his presidency would be a gross misrepresentation of his leadership, just as acknowledging Russia's intervention in the 2016 elections could call for the legitimacy of his success. In either case, you are right. But ignoring the problems will not end anything, so the president's thin skin prevents him from facing a real threat to the nation.
Inadequate response by the provincial government to white apartheid violence preceded Trump. At the beginning of the Obama administration, the Department of Homeland Security warned of an escalation. But Barack Obama's party has yielded pressure from activists who blame the government for political reform. Trump has been among the food wing figures complaining that Obama administration will not call "Islamic terrorism" a threat. DHS withdrew the report.
Under the Trump administration, the government has stayed on its feet, now because of Trump’s dislike of the topic of domestic terrorism and white supremacy. In fact, he is guilty of the mirror of his accusations against Obama. Trump said Obama would not name the "major Islamic terrorism" out of fear of political correctness, but his sensitivity means his superiors look away from the threat of domestic terror without a sense of what is politically correct.
White racists were an important part of the alliance that won Trump in 2016, though not all of that, and Trump has indicated that fueling racial tensions will be a key part of his 2020 re-election campaign. The President has reduced the threat posed by the country's white supremacists. Following the violent white supremacist march in Charlottesville, the president focused on what he called "good people on both sides." After a white shooter killed 51 people in New Zealand, Trump said he was not worried about the threat posed by the belief, saying, "I think a small group of people have the worst problems."
The FBI did not agree. In a testimony in July, Director Chris Wray, Trump's successor, said his ambassadors had arrested nearly as many domestic terrorists as terrorist arrests in the past nine months, most of them related to white supremacy. That number may be more ambiguous than ever, and since the coalition government was so focused on global terrorism, it is clear that more arrests could be made in the area. But Trump does not trust the FBI, nor has he cleared his previous leadership - another legacy of the president's outrage over the Russian investigation.
One part of the problem is insufficient resources and attention. As I have written, Trump often views DHS as an organization that enforces immigrants, which means that other issues of the kludgy department, including cyber security, electoral security, and domestic terrorism, are ignored. But the Department of Justice has been successful in securing resources to investigate so-called "black activists."
This unwillingness to deal with white supremacy came just before 22 people were killed in El Paso. Could that indicate a change in Trump's domestic fears? Certainly — but probably not. That’s not just Trump’s style. The president refused to even acknowledge the fact of Russia's interference, let alone to answer it, even though it was unanimously agreed among his aides - a refusal that would have been slapped if it had not been so severe.
White apartheid violence is a real political obligation for Trump. The majority of Americans say white nationalism is an important or critical threat, and many also say that Trump's actions and behavior have encouraged white foreigners. The average politician, in such a situation, could have taken some steps to defend himself, from the symbolic big (blue commission) to the big (big programs or sponsorships). For Trump, even admitting a problem is a curse. In this White House, protecting the feelings of the president comes before protecting the lives of citizens.
